INEC De-recognition of Both Factions: How the Coalition Got It Wrong

Over the past few hours, Nigeria’s political space has been thrown into intense debate following the decision of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) to suspend official correspondence with the two warring factions of the African Democratic Congress (ADC).

The crisis, involving factions led by former Senate President Senator David Mark and Hon. Nafiu Bala Gombe, has further exposed the fragile foundations of Nigeria’s emerging opposition coalition ahead of the 2027 general elections.full, details. .

Predictably, analysts from seasoned political commentators to what Nigerians jokingly call “beer parlour analysts” have pointed accusing fingers at the ruling establishment, alleging political interference. While such claims remain speculative, one political reality cannot be ignored: incumbents rarely make the path easy for a rising opposition.

Like every major political organisation, the All Progressives Congress (APC) is populated by experienced professionals, including a significant number of constitutional lawyers occupying strategic positions from the Attorney-General of the Federation to senior legislative leaders and party administrators. It is therefore unsurprising that legal technicalities, or what lawyers describe as lacunae, would become instruments in political contests.

The burden, however, lies with the opposition coalition to anticipate these legal traps.

If the coalition truly intends to “tidy up Nigeria’s political mess,” as frequently proclaimed, then its leadership which includes highly experienced politicians and former attorney General of the federation ought to demonstrate superior organisational discipline. In political chess, protecting the queen In a game of chess requires foresight, not reaction.

INEC’s directive that parties should maintain the status quo ante bellum has already opened a fresh layer of legal interpretation. Many Nigerians confuse the phrase with ante litem, yet both carry distinct meanings.

Ante litem refers to “before a lawsuit was filed,” while ante bellum means “before the dispute that led to litigation.” Such distinctions, though technical, may ultimately shape legal arguments surrounding the ADC leadership tussle.

Meanwhile, controversy deepened with the circulation of a purported resignation letter allegedly written by Hon. Nafiu Bala Gombe. The document reportedly lacked an official letterhead and stamp an irregularity that raises serious procedural questions for a coalition seeking to challenge a well-structured ruling party.

More troubling is the fact that Bala had earlier denied resigning, describing the document as fake in a widely referenced statement published in August 2025 by Punch Newspaper. The episode exposes what i describe as organisational carelessness within the coalition camp.

In modern politics, documentation is power. Political parties may now have to adopt stricter internal procedures, including recording consensus meetings where aspirants withdraw or agreements are reached, to avoid future disputes.

Legal debates are also likely to draw from recent Supreme Court pronouncements, including Senator Samuel Anyanwu v. Aniagwu Emmanuel & Ors and AGI v. PDP (2016), where the apex court reaffirmed that party leadership disputes are internal affairs beyond judicial interference.

Yet this raises another constitutional puzzle: how could a National Working Committee that reportedly resigned en masse proceed to appoint an interim chairman afterward? Logically, resignation extinguishes authority. Appointment ordinarily precedes exit, not the reverse.

I think that ADC leadership crisis might have been avoided through a properly coordinated national convention or congress involving all recognised party organs, rather than what appears to be an elite-driven takeover.

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As the opposition grapples with internal contradictions, time is rapidly running out.